The purpose of this article is to provide an analysis of the relationship between political parties and the Monti government, which was established during the most acute phase of the ongoing economic crisis. We identify the strategic calculations of political parties as being the crucial variable that explains both the advent of the emergency government’ and its workings. Indeed, the new technocratic government was largely considered as the best temporary solution by both the previous outgoing centre-right majority and by the centre-left opposition, although for different reasons. However, Monti’s arrival together with his team gave rise to what we might call ‘winners’, parties whose position appears to have been strengthened – the Democratic Party and the parties belonging to the Third Pole; and ‘losers’, parties that appeared to have become weaker – the People of Freedom and the Northern League. The main argument put forward in this paper is that the status of ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ is not static. In fact, it can be subject to extensive change if parties progressively adapt their behaviour, over time, to change in the competitive environments in which they operate, especially by adopting a strategy that is coordinated with their electoral partners.

When political parties decide not to govern: party strategies and the winners and losers of the Monti technocratic government

Zulianello, Mattia
2013-01-01

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to provide an analysis of the relationship between political parties and the Monti government, which was established during the most acute phase of the ongoing economic crisis. We identify the strategic calculations of political parties as being the crucial variable that explains both the advent of the emergency government’ and its workings. Indeed, the new technocratic government was largely considered as the best temporary solution by both the previous outgoing centre-right majority and by the centre-left opposition, although for different reasons. However, Monti’s arrival together with his team gave rise to what we might call ‘winners’, parties whose position appears to have been strengthened – the Democratic Party and the parties belonging to the Third Pole; and ‘losers’, parties that appeared to have become weaker – the People of Freedom and the Northern League. The main argument put forward in this paper is that the status of ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ is not static. In fact, it can be subject to extensive change if parties progressively adapt their behaviour, over time, to change in the competitive environments in which they operate, especially by adopting a strategy that is coordinated with their electoral partners.
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/11368/3001236
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